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The Revenge of Power: How Autocrats Are Reinventing Politics for the 21st Century

The Revenge of Power: How Autocrats Are Reinventing Politics for the 21st Century

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  • Create Date：2023-03-07 07:53:24
  • Update Date：2025-09-07
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  • Author：Moisés Naím
  • ISBN：125087582X
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Summary

Named one of the New Yorker's Best Books of 2022

“An authoritative and intelligent portrait of the global spread of authoritarianism and its dangers。。。what sets [this] work apart from books like Timothy Snyder’s On Tyranny and Michiko Kakutani’s The Death of Truth is its unusually comprehensive armada of facts about the international drift over the past two decades toward authoritarian leaders， whether old-style dictators like Kim Jong Un or nominally elected presidents like Vladimir Putin。” —Kirkus


An urgent， thrilling， and original look at the future of democracy that illuminates one of the most important battles of our time: the future of freedom and how to contain and defeat the autocrats mushrooming around the world。

In his bestselling book The End of Power， Moisés Naím examined power-diluting forces。 In The Revenge of Power， Naím turns to the trends， conditions， technologies and behaviors that are contributing to the concentration of power， and to the clash between those forces that weaken power and those that strengthen it。 He concentrates on the three “P”s—populism， polarization， and post-truths。 All of which are as old as time， but are combined by today’s autocrats to undermine democratic life in new and frightening ways。 Power has not changed。 But the way people go about gaining it and using it has been transformed。

The Revenge of Power is packed with alluring characters， riveting stories about power grabs and losses， and vivid examples of the tricks and tactics used by autocrats to counter the forces that are weakening their power。 It connects the dots between global events and political tactics that， when taken together， show a profound and often stealthy transformation in power and politics worldwide。 Using the best available data and insights taken from recent research in the social sciences， Naím reveals how， on close examination， the same set of strategies to consolidate power pop up again and again in places with vastly different political， economic， and social circumstances， and offers insights about what can be done to ensure that freedom and democracy prevail。

The outcomes of these battles for power will determine if our future will be more autocratic or more democratic。 Naím addresses the questions at the heart of the matter: Why is power concentrating in some places while in others it is fragmenting and degrading？ And the big question: What is the future of freedom？

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Reviews

Francisco Tavarez ，

La revancha de los poderososEs un libro que te adentra en el conocimiento de las herramientas de los autocratas para cautivar y embaucar a las masas con lo que el autor llama las 3ps: populismo， polarización y postverdad。No estoy mucho de acuerdo con las etiquetas que despacha a líderes y formaciones políticas que no merecen tal sindicación。 Si te gusta la política， el estudio del discurso， es un libro ideal para entender el populismo y la postverdad como recursos de los liderazgos autoritarios La revancha de los poderososEs un libro que te adentra en el conocimiento de las herramientas de los autocratas para cautivar y embaucar a las masas con lo que el autor llama las 3ps: populismo， polarización y postverdad。No estoy mucho de acuerdo con las etiquetas que despacha a líderes y formaciones políticas que no merecen tal sindicación。 Si te gusta la política， el estudio del discurso， es un libro ideal para entender el populismo y la postverdad como recursos de los liderazgos autoritarios de hoy。 。。。more

Tom Mitchell ，

An insightful explanation of the tools used by aspiring autocrats to undermine democratic systems with present day examples。

Samuel Warner ，

Thorough analysis of the rise of global populism。 It would've been 5 stars if the writing was less formulaic or equal attention was paid to the solutions section as others， which otherwise felt neglected。 Thorough analysis of the rise of global populism。 It would've been 5 stars if the writing was less formulaic or equal attention was paid to the solutions section as others， which otherwise felt neglected。 。。。more

Eirik Bergesen ，

Must-read to understand a world of Trumps， what came before and what will come after。

Richard Drinkwater ，

This should be mandatory reading for all moderate and liberal politicians。 Moises Naim gives an insight into the birth of Trump’s post-truth administration and the worldwide attack by 3P autocrats on democracy。

Omar Ismail ，

Great insight into the global political landscape。 I engaged more with the second half of the book。 The first half felt repetitive。 I wish the author would have given more detailed action individuals can take to counteract the slide towards authoritarianism。 The author briefly provides high-level advice to negate the rise of authoritarianism， but it lacked detail

Jarrett Bell ，

The Revenge of Power is a sobering， well-researched account of how modern-day autocrats use populism， polarization， and post-truth to undermine democratic institutions and solidify personal power。 Naim effectively shows how modern-day incarnations of autocrats （e。g。， Trump， Orban， Bolsonaro， Chavez， etc。） use democratic tools to subvert democracy and remove checks and balances， unlike their 20th-century counterparts who were willing and able to rule through brute force。 Naim is at his best when The Revenge of Power is a sobering， well-researched account of how modern-day autocrats use populism， polarization， and post-truth to undermine democratic institutions and solidify personal power。 Naim effectively shows how modern-day incarnations of autocrats （e。g。， Trump， Orban， Bolsonaro， Chavez， etc。） use democratic tools to subvert democracy and remove checks and balances， unlike their 20th-century counterparts who were willing and able to rule through brute force。 Naim is at his best when detailing the ways autocrats deploy the patina of democratic legitimacy to hollow out democracy from within。 With populism， autocrats position themselves as battling elites within their countries。 With polarization， autocrats disdain traditional compromise， ratchet up political battles， and hollow out the center。 And with post-truth， autocrats muddy the waters with fear， uncertainty， and disinformation such that they cannot be held accountable by a contested “truth。” Particularly interesting was Naim’s recounting of the history of disinformation and how disinformation is considerably less expensive and more effective today than it was then。 Whereas the Soviets needed to bribe journalists to push disinformation （e。g。， HIV was a CIA bioweapon， the US faked the moon landing） in the Cold War with no guarantee the disinformation would reach a broad audience， Putin and other autocrats today merely need to tweet or spread through Whatsapp outlandish claims to reach an unheard-of audience。 Where the book falls short is that Naim offers few solutions—or at least few solutions that do not have their own drawbacks （e。g。， regulating speech）。 。。。more

NB ，

Libro demasiado sesgado， le falta objetividad， dándole palo a los "malos" de siempre y omitiendo a grandes rasgos a los "buenos"。 Autor notoriamente pro-americano que piensa que todo lo malo ocurre en el resto del mundo， con la excepción de Donald Trump， el autor piensa que todos lo norteamericanos y sus presidentes son los salvadores del mundo。 Libro demasiado sesgado， le falta objetividad， dándole palo a los "malos" de siempre y omitiendo a grandes rasgos a los "buenos"。 Autor notoriamente pro-americano que piensa que todo lo malo ocurre en el resto del mundo， con la excepción de Donald Trump， el autor piensa que todos lo norteamericanos y sus presidentes son los salvadores del mundo。 。。。more

Álvaro Escalonilla ，

Una crítica al populismo desde la democracia liberal。

Avil Ramirez ，

Llevaba rato esperando este libro desde que salió y como antesala me releí "El fin del Poder"， publicada hace casi una década， el cual de cierta forma es un predecesor de esta obra。 Bueno， viviendo en un país regido por un Autócrata 3P （Populismo， Polarización y Posverdad）， no puedo más que reafirmar la tesis esgrimida por Naim a lo largo de las páginas， desde cómo van erosionando las instituciones a partir de su llegada， las alianzas internacionales que se forman entre estas calañas （cosas que Llevaba rato esperando este libro desde que salió y como antesala me releí "El fin del Poder"， publicada hace casi una década， el cual de cierta forma es un predecesor de esta obra。 Bueno， viviendo en un país regido por un Autócrata 3P （Populismo， Polarización y Posverdad）， no puedo más que reafirmar la tesis esgrimida por Naim a lo largo de las páginas， desde cómo van erosionando las instituciones a partir de su llegada， las alianzas internacionales que se forman entre estas calañas （cosas que parecen pequeñeces pero ahora están cargadas de simbolismos como las felicitaciones ante las victorias electorales）， el desprecio a la verdad o a los pesos y contrapesos， junto a tantos otros elementos reseñados。Me quedo con las dos sugerencias o recomendaciones que yo considero que hace Moises Naim para luchar contra este flagelo: 1） Reforzar o revitalizar al sistema de partidos políticos， como canalizados de los intereses sociales; 2） Invertir en innovaciones políticas para prevenir la llegada al poder de estos déspotas mediante el acercamiento al centro （en detrimento de los extremismos）， tales como la propuesta del Ranked-Choice Voting， que hubiera prevenido por ejemplo la llegada al poder de Trump， o bien Ortega en mi país， Nicaragua。Y con esta última propuesta， si hubiera imperado el Ranked-Choice Voting， jamás hubiera ganado Ortega porque los otros dos candidatos relevantes （y afines ideológicamente， con sus respectivas diferencias y ninguno de sus votantes hubiera votado por el sandinismo） sacaron más del 56% conjuntamente。 Como consecuencia， ahora tenemos a un brutal y sanguinario dictador con poder totalitario （no autoritario） sobre mi país， eliminando cualquier rasgo de institucionalidad o libertad civil。 。。。more

Dave ，

Naim clearly articulates the autocrat blueprint and shares their tactics through important examples。 The book flows well but is heavy at times。 My favorite part was the end of the book where he outlines steps to counter autocracy。

Juan Rivera ，

Many put comments of all kinds on this page that imply a fight to the death between the left and the right。 Is this a correct point of view or is it outdated？ According to Moisés Naím the problem is between democracy and autocracy。 A democracy has ways of getting ahead， of choosing new rulers， of changing course， of learning sometimes by trial and error。 But when an autocratic leader seizes power， he tries to stay in power through three steps: Populism: saying things that people want to hear， ev Many put comments of all kinds on this page that imply a fight to the death between the left and the right。 Is this a correct point of view or is it outdated？ According to Moisés Naím the problem is between democracy and autocracy。 A democracy has ways of getting ahead， of choosing new rulers， of changing course， of learning sometimes by trial and error。 But when an autocratic leader seizes power， he tries to stay in power through three steps: Populism: saying things that people want to hear， even if they are not true or cannot be fulfilled （sell a presidential plane， lower gasoline， etc。） Polarization: inventing an enemy （fifis， foreigners， etc。） Post-truth: making the truth and the lie confuse， as López does in Mexico and Trump did in the US。 The book says little about Mexico， focusing mainly on the United States （Trump）， Italy （Berlusconi）， Russia （Putin）， Hungary， Venezuela， El Salvador and so many countries that were destroyed by autocrats。 It is sad to see examples like Argentina， which 100 years ago had a per capita income similar to that of France， and today it does not even reach its heels。 How to prevent autocrats from taking power？ read the excellent advice in the book， and I recommend that members of the political parties who are against the autocrat read it。。。 hopefully someone can recommend it to them。 。。。more

Simon Hohenadl ，

Another must-read for these times。 What I did not like: some oversimplification and black-and-white thinking （either you are a 3P autocrat or not） and （in the audiobook） total mispronunciation of foreign terms and names - at least the Italian ones。

Ligia Bonetti ，

Un interesante libro， de un autor de extrema capacidad analítica y conocimiento politico del mundo pero en especial de Latinoamérica。 Sus capitulos nos permite analizar lo que esta sucediendo en el mundo a nivel politico， económico y social。 Tres lamentables realidades mencionadas como tendencias globales que atentan contra la democracia de los países: “populismo， polarización y pos verdad”…。 Completamente de acuerdo con el autor。 Si queremos una verdadera democracia y entendemos que estas amena Un interesante libro， de un autor de extrema capacidad analítica y conocimiento politico del mundo pero en especial de Latinoamérica。 Sus capitulos nos permite analizar lo que esta sucediendo en el mundo a nivel politico， económico y social。 Tres lamentables realidades mencionadas como tendencias globales que atentan contra la democracia de los países: “populismo， polarización y pos verdad”…。 Completamente de acuerdo con el autor。 Si queremos una verdadera democracia y entendemos que estas amenazas existen debemos entender bien los caminos que debemos tomar， las alertas que debemos escuchar y leer este libro para entender claramente las opciones de ganar esta guerra que tenemos en la mayoría de los países。 。。。more

Ross Borkett ，

Fascinating and well researched， but equally scary。 Really helps to better understand some of the tactics used in the last few decades to push more autocrats politics。 Yes it’s dry and felt quite long winded in places， but the three Ps categorisations are really important to understand

Jurgen Appelo ，

This book is as fascinating as it is depressing。 Don't read if your faith clings onto democracy and humanity。 This book is as fascinating as it is depressing。 Don't read if your faith clings onto democracy and humanity。 。。。more

Maricarmen Rizo ，

Expone con datos y ejemplos históricos， como es que la libertad y democracia facilitan la prosperidad humana como jamás podrá la autocracia。

Tom ，

Eye opening and at times painful。 Leaves you thinking ignorance can be bliss

Mario Reyes ，

Una de las mejores lecturas del año。 Muy relevante para entender a las autocracias y populistas del siglo 21。

Philippe Bogdanoff ，

Прекрасная книга про автократов и автократию 。。。Автор показал "большую" картинку， взгляд на автократию как на явлениеВот именно для такого понимания и прозрения и нужны книги， что бы понимать явление。Конечно меня поразило про использование интернета в помощь автократом。Все время вспоминаю， как сложно было в СССР распространять любую несанкционированную информацию （ ксероксы на перечит （я все же про поздний Совок）， пишущие машинки все на перечет） ну и чего боялась Власть？ Распространения информац Прекрасная книга про автократов и автократию 。。。Автор показал "большую" картинку， взгляд на автократию как на явлениеВот именно для такого понимания и прозрения и нужны книги， что бы понимать явление。Конечно меня поразило про использование интернета в помощь автократом。Все время вспоминаю， как сложно было в СССР распространять любую несанкционированную информацию （ ксероксы на перечит （я все же про поздний Совок）， пишущие машинки все на перечет） ну и чего боялась Власть？ Распространения информации？？？？ Ну и вот вам， пожалуйста - Интернет， распространяй - не хочу！！！！！ И это так казалось 。。。Книга оязательна для прочтения всем будущим автократам！ 。。。more

m ，

This review has been hidden because it contains spoilers。 To view it， click here。 Yes， I also read ‘intellectual’ books。 In all seriousness this topic is very interesting to me given our political climate。 And it was recommended in ‘The Rest is Politics’ by Alistair Campbell so I am very excited to dig in。

Seth ，

A clear， thorough， and thoughtful overview of the rise of 3P autocrats and would-be autocrats around the world—from Berluscone and Orban to Erdogan， Bolinsaro， and Trump—and the playbook these political operators use to gain and retain power through populism， polarization， and post-truth disinformation。 My only compaints are that the book is at times repetitive and could have benefited from better editing—and that his prescriptions for how to preserve democracies against the all-out assaults the A clear， thorough， and thoughtful overview of the rise of 3P autocrats and would-be autocrats around the world—from Berluscone and Orban to Erdogan， Bolinsaro， and Trump—and the playbook these political operators use to gain and retain power through populism， polarization， and post-truth disinformation。 My only compaints are that the book is at times repetitive and could have benefited from better editing—and that his prescriptions for how to preserve democracies against the all-out assaults they are currently experiencing are not as incisive as his diagnoses for why this is happening now。 His descriptions of how democracies fare after 3P autocrats lose power （e。g。 post-Berlusconi Italy） are not all that encouraging as he describes a continuing downward spiral into antipolitics， newer forms of populism， and worsening political fragmentation。 。。。more

Miss Patricia ，

Over-states and under-deliversThere are many reasons to like and admire this book。 Naim takes on a big subject - the rise of populism， polarization and post-truth - and attacks the subject with the energy that it deserves。 This book is a broad sweep across a wide geographic area and broad political landscape， and on the way Naim provides interesting， penetrating and sometimes amusing insights into what makes an autocrat。 Politically， I am in sympathy with Naim's argument。 In the end， though， I f Over-states and under-deliversThere are many reasons to like and admire this book。 Naim takes on a big subject - the rise of populism， polarization and post-truth - and attacks the subject with the energy that it deserves。 This book is a broad sweep across a wide geographic area and broad political landscape， and on the way Naim provides interesting， penetrating and sometimes amusing insights into what makes an autocrat。 Politically， I am in sympathy with Naim's argument。 In the end， though， I felt the book contains just too many sweeping generalisations and unsubstantiated assertions。 I also felt as if I'd been shouted at for quite a long time！ 。。。more

Zoe Routh ，

terrifying！ and motivating for responsible citizen activismThis book was sobering and terrifying all at once。 I was grateful that Naim laid out the playbook of rising autocrats around the world （Trump， Putin） and how important it is for each of us to help move the public discourse beyond populism， polarisation， and post-truth。 One of the most important books I have read this year。

Ray ，

In The Revenge of Power， author Moises Naím looks at the recent global trends in autocracy， and the threats to democracy which that brings。 He refers frequently to what he calls the "3 P's"， i。e。， Populism， Polarization， and Post-truths， and how these common strategies have come into play in such diverse locations as Venezuela， Hungary， India， Brazil， Turkey， Russia， the Philippines， and the U。S。 He also offers concluding thoughts about what can be done to ensure that freedom and democracy preva In The Revenge of Power， author Moises Naím looks at the recent global trends in autocracy， and the threats to democracy which that brings。 He refers frequently to what he calls the "3 P's"， i。e。， Populism， Polarization， and Post-truths， and how these common strategies have come into play in such diverse locations as Venezuela， Hungary， India， Brazil， Turkey， Russia， the Philippines， and the U。S。 He also offers concluding thoughts about what can be done to ensure that freedom and democracy prevail。 As he and others have pointed out， there are many examples where democracies have become susceptible to authoritarians， and it's important to persuade people to recognize it and resist it。 Otherwise， evidence shows that autocrats and demagogues exploit the openness of democratic cultures and turn people against the institutions and policies that sustain democracy itself。 When leaders demonstrate an attitude that they're above the law， personally attack and punish political opponents， work to amass and centralize power， to weaken institutions， and to prioritize personal gains over the general welfare， democracy becomes seriously weakened and may not recover。 。。。more

Dennis ，

Excelente explicación de lo que tienen en común las dictaduras que se han multiplicado en diferentes partes del mundo en las últimas décadas， la forma paradójica en que han sido empoderarlas por las redes sociales， en contra de lo que se pensaba originalmente de que tendrían un efecto democratizador。 Le resto una estrella porque es muy largo en diagnóstico y muy corto en soluciones， y otra por la muy deficiente traducción al español。 Lo compré en español pensando que se había escrito en ese idio Excelente explicación de lo que tienen en común las dictaduras que se han multiplicado en diferentes partes del mundo en las últimas décadas， la forma paradójica en que han sido empoderarlas por las redes sociales， en contra de lo que se pensaba originalmente de que tendrían un efecto democratizador。 Le resto una estrella porque es muy largo en diagnóstico y muy corto en soluciones， y otra por la muy deficiente traducción al español。 Lo compré en español pensando que se había escrito en ese idioma， ya que Naim es venezolano， pero me equivoqué， fue escrito en inglés。 Les recomiendo que lo lean en inglés todos los que puedan。 。。。more

Raghu ，

In the second decade of the twenty-first century， we have seen several democracies elect right-wing political parties to power through the democratic process。 The US， India， Brazil， Hungary， and Poland are examples。 Donald Trump， Narendra Modi， Jair Bolsonaro， and Viktor Orbán acquired power with decisive mandates from the people。 Modi and Orbán got re-elected after their term。 The author of this book， Moisés Naím， says this is an alarming trend for democracies because these are authoritarian le In the second decade of the twenty-first century， we have seen several democracies elect right-wing political parties to power through the democratic process。 The US， India， Brazil， Hungary， and Poland are examples。 Donald Trump， Narendra Modi， Jair Bolsonaro， and Viktor Orbán acquired power with decisive mandates from the people。 Modi and Orbán got re-elected after their term。 The author of this book， Moisés Naím， says this is an alarming trend for democracies because these are authoritarian leaders。 He points to the causes behind their rise in democracies and how they use democratic freedoms to attain power and then hold on to power by undermining it。 The book makes its case through case studies of Donald Trump， Hugo Chávez of Venezuela， and Silvio Berlusconi of Italy， among others。The book’s central thesis is that leaders with an autocratic outlook have found ways to positions of power in democracies by using the 3Ps， called populism， polarization and post-truth。 Populism is not an ‘ism’ like socialism or liberalism。 It is a strategy to win and wield power。 It paints the authoritarian leader’s cause as the people’s cause and his opponent as belonging to the corrupt elite that stands in the way。 Populism works by criminalizing its political rivals， using external threats， denigrating experts， attacking unfriendly media and undermining checks and balances。 Polarization works by emphasizing differences rather than unity， eliminating the possibility of a middle ground， and pushing every person and organization to take sides。 It works to marginalize immigrants and minorities。 Post-truth is doing away with shared， independent standards for truth。 It is a condition when facts and knowledge get blurred by belief and opinion。 Unlike lying， post-truth is not an individual moral failing。 It is a feature of the communications infrastructure of politics and power in today’s world。 Rumors about President Obama being a Muslim or not US-born are recent examples。 Using these techniques， the author argues， leaders like Donald Trump， Narendra Modi， and Vladimir Putin have brought about undemocratic regimes in their respective countries。 They wield and maintain immense power in a world that doesn’t recognize that kind of power as legitimate。 They do this by faking loyalty to the democratic consensus even as they work to undermine democratic checks and balances in their countries。 Sensing the success of this approach in strong democratic nations like the US， India and the Philippines， leaders in several countries are trending towards what the author calls ‘kakistocracy’。 Kakistocracy is a state or society governed by its least suitable or competent citizens。 Then， he contemplates on what it portends for the future of our democracies and freedom itself。The book has a strong liberal bias and hence is partisan in content。 One glaring shortcoming of the book is that it does not consider the possibility that people could have elected Trump， Modi， or Erdogan for justifiable reasons。 Populism， polarization and post-truth may not have played a leading role。 It is an untenable argument that says people got deluded when they elect a political party or leader we do not approve。 Respect for democracy demands respect for the mandate of the people。 The decision to choose a right-wing government does not signify that people lost faith in liberal democracy or its institutions。 The people of India， the US， the UK， etc， still believe in an independent judiciary， a free press， human rights， and individual freedom。 Their choice of right-wing leaders means the left and the centrist parties failed to acknowledge the legitimate aspirations and fears of a sizable part of their population。 Choosing Donald Trump or Narendra Modi is not choosing an authoritarian political order like China， Russia or Turkey。 It is a people's protest。 As a counter to 3P， let us examine other explanations for Donald Trump’s victory in the US and Brexit’s win in the UK。 Political scientist Diana C。 Mutz of the University of Pennsylvania analyzed in-depth survey data of voters belonging to key categories in the 2012 and 2016 Presidential polls。 Those whose incomes declined， whose incomes increased little， who lost their jobs， who were concerned about expenses， and who thought free trade affected their lives， were some of them。 Dr。 Mutz found that none of these effects motivated people to switch from voting for Obama in 2012 to supporting Trump in 2016。 Another analyst， Adam Serwer， has pointed out that Hillary Clinton defeated Trump among Americans making less than $50，000 a year。 They dispel the notion that Globalization’s cruelties disenfranchised most Trump supporters。 If Trump voters weren’t losing income or jobs， why did they vote for Trump？ Dr。 Mutz says they were concerned about their place in their societies。 Let us explore this further。 When members of a hitherto long-dominant group feel threatened， they get nostalgic and try to protect the ‘status quo’ in whatever way they can。 Almost 80 percent of white working-class voters who had anxieties about the “American way of life”， chose Trump over Clinton。 Half of all Americans view globalized trade as something that benefits other countries at the expense of jobs for Americans。 White Evangelicals see more discrimination against Christians than Muslims in the United States。 All this suggests acute identity anxiety。 The 1979 Khomeini revolution in Iran had similar overtones。 For decades， the Shah of Iran destabilized the lives of ordinary Iranians through his ‘modernization’ programs。 It resulted in the Khomeini revolution， which promised a return to the ‘Islamic way of life’ - familiar and pacifying to the majority。 Dismissing this anxiety as the outcome of populism， post-truth and polarization is insensitive。Identity anxiety is harder for politicians and policymakers to address than a straight-forward economic slump。 It does not respond to disability checks or universal basic incomes。 Alleviating resentment of demographic changes or convincing people to embrace changing racial and gender norms are difficult tasks。 It is possible that Trump supporters elected him because they felt threatened and marginalized， not on an economic， but an existential level。 Liberals may feel it is irrational， but they need to show compassion to this fear。 So， Trump might have won irrespective of populism， polarization and post-truth。 Perhaps the 3Ps could have helped Trump win more comfortably than otherwise。Next， we look at explanations for Brexit other than the 3Ps。 According to the BBC， immigration and ceding sovereignty to the EU were the two key issues in the Brexit vote。 Various experts warned Britons about the economic chaos that can ensue because of Brexit。 But it found no resonance among half the citizens。 On the Brexit vote， 78% of those 65 or over voted in the Brexit election， compared with 43% of 18 to 24-year-olds and 54% of 25 to 34-year-olds。 Surveys revealed much higher support for Brexit among those aged 55 and over than among younger age groups。 Three out of five voters aged 65 or over wanted to leave the EU。 Author and journalist David Goodhart says we must get beyond traditional dichotomies based on Left and Right to understand the Brexit vote。 We can understand the new fault line in Brexit or the Trump earthquake better through a category called ‘the Somewheres’。 The ‘Somewheres’ are UK citizens， less-educated and having few skills to compete in the EU job market。 They feel comfortable with ‘the English way of life’ and often live within comfortable reach of where they were born or grew up。 Increasing immigration makes the UK feel less like their native country。 They are more rooted and prioritize local group attachments and security。 According to Goodhart， fifty percent of the UK belong in the category ‘Somewheres’。Goodheart says we should see Brexit as a protest by the ‘Somewheres’。 It is against the generous opening of UK’s borders to East Europeans during Tony Blair’s tenure， and the neighborhoods fast becoming more diverse and hence ‘foreign’。 It is against an economy that wants only University-educated people and a society whose social norms favor liberal contracts like gay marriage， multiculturalism， and the Global village。 The ‘Somewheres’ are protesting more than jobs。 They value more non-material things of the past， which are lost。 It is not the foolishness of turning the clock back。 Brexit is a statement about the country’s national identity as it is about its economic and political future。 Hence， like the US， Britain also has swung right， because of identity anxiety。Using populism， polarization and post-truth is not new in democracies。 The author talks about right-wing populism but ignores populism of the Left。 Defunding the police， abolishing immigration and Customs enforcement （ICE）， labeling women as ‘birthing people’ and injecting anti-racism into classrooms are examples of left-wing populism。 All political parties have their populists。 Sarah Palin， Donald Trump， Alexandra Ocasio-Cortez， Bernie Sanders， and Elizabeth Warren pander to populism。 Greta Thunberg is an environmental populist。 Communism， war on drugs， immigration and Islamic terrorism have played their part in polarization。 ‘Missile gap with the USSR’ in 1958 and ‘Saddam Hussein has WMDs’ in 2003 demonstrate post-truth is not a recent invention。 The ‘3Ps’ explain the right-wing tilt in democracies only partially。 Our task is not countering the 3Ps， but fathoming why it has such powerful appeal。 The book does not enlighten on this。 。。。more

Philip ，

In "Revenge of Power，" journalistic， political， and academic heavyweight Moisés Naím draws an ugly picture of the state of the （political） world today。 He portrays the decline of democracy and its appeal， the inroads of authoritarianism and illiberalism， and， indeed， the revenge of power。 A story of how power serves only itself， the strategies it uses to pull the wool over our collective heads， and how it's leading us by our collective noses towards accepting - even welcoming - the abolition of In "Revenge of Power，" journalistic， political， and academic heavyweight Moisés Naím draws an ugly picture of the state of the （political） world today。 He portrays the decline of democracy and its appeal， the inroads of authoritarianism and illiberalism， and， indeed， the revenge of power。 A story of how power serves only itself， the strategies it uses to pull the wool over our collective heads， and how it's leading us by our collective noses towards accepting - even welcoming - the abolition of our collective and individual freedoms。 In short， he summarizes it all as the "three Ps" - Populism， Polarization， and Post-Truth。 For the most parts， the book is pedagogical， clear， and compelling。 Naím does a great job of outlining the strategies of Power， and how they're applicable to and used by both completely illiberal societies and on and from within democratic ones。 What should make it even more troubling is that this is all very familiar stuff。 There's not a strategy or phenomenon mentioned in this book that one can't find very clear examples of everywhere。 What's clear at the end is that authoritarians these days are not as crude and blunt as they were back in the heydays of feudalism， but just as ambitious。 Ok， well， maybe some of them aren't much developed since back in the day， but today it's less about beating us over the head and more about deceiving us into welcoming our own downfall。To achieve all this， authoritarians and wannabe authoritarians wield any number of rhetorical and political weapons。 A few examples: They question and undermine objective truths and experts while creating subjective and/or alternative truths; they peddle pseudo-science; they foment divisiveness and stoke general suspicion of， and antagonism against， those who are different and/or think and act differently; they push "safety" measures of various kinds that simultaneously erode freedoms and rights; they generally act as a bully， denigrating， mocking， and threatening their opponents; they position themselves as the people's champion， the only savior， and generally attempt to establish a cult of personality around themselves; etc。What I think he's missing in this analysis is more on why and how this all works。 For me， I think it's really nice to believe in binary good and evil， right and wrong。 In simple explanations。 To deal with certainties and an authority that provides an unequivocal right and wrong， a place or state of being that does not allow for or has to merge divergent perspectives and ideas。 To have an enemy。 I also missed a critical view of how non-authoritarian elements are committing many of the same sins as those the author lists - and thus making it easier for authoritarians to employ these。 I mean， how can we argue for anything approaching an objective truth when we're only really willing to entertain one that corresponds with our own subjective one？ And far too many of us are far too willing to dismiss others' opinions and views out of hand， as well as anything else that doesn't correspond with our world view。 Add to that politicians and political parties and/or advocacy groups that are more concerned with their own relevance than with whether or not they do harm or not， and it's pretty clear that any solution should and must start from within ourselves （whether we're an individual or larger entity）。Speaking of solutions， the what-can-we-do part of the book also feels a little thin。 It's both pretty vague and feels a bit rushed - but I think that's mostly because these are difficult tendencies and strategies to counter。 Especially when the world just isn't as simple and uncomplicated as we'd generally like。 Some of Naím's ideas for taking a stand against authoritarianism are undeniably good - like ranked choice voting （which should be relatively uncontroversial for anyone who's a fan of democracy） - some I would question or want more specifics on/about before passing judgement on。 What's abundantly clear though， is that we do need to do something。Criticisms notwithstanding， this is a very readable and， I think， important book。 It's depressing and terrifying， and it's a reminder to remain vigilant， to champion democracy and its tenets。 Despite its many flaws， it is the best we've got。 In that spirit， I'm going to finish this review with the same words I used in review of Anne Applebaum's book Twilight of Democracy: The Seductive Lure of Authoritarianism - another book on this "cheerful" topic:"Personally， despite a lot of negative trends， I believe there's hope for improvement。 Something to fight for。 And， on a basic level， a very clear path forward; open-mindedness。Considering that， as Applebaum claims， '[g]iven the right conditions， any society can turn against democracy。 Indeed， if history is anything to go by， all of our societies eventually will，' I think it relevant here， to channel our inner Dylan Thomas。。。 'Let's 'not go gentle into that good night，' let's 'rage， rage against the dying' democratic light。"Recommended。 。。。more

kaki ，

3。75

LEOPOLDO GIMENEZ ，

Excelente libroMe gustó el enfoque de la pérdida del poder de la democracia tradicional por el efecto del discurso agresivo e iconoclasta de los que se afianzan en la antipolitica para convertirse en autocráticoEjemplo claro Chávez en VenezuelaComo un hombre tan fuera de las normas de la buena gerencia llega a ser presidente logra arruinar a un país con tantos recursos

tpg0 ，

As an AI language model， I am not capable of personal opinions and beliefs， but I can provide you general information on the book 'The Revenge of Power: How Autocrats Are Reinventing Politics for the 21st Century。' This book is written by Brian Klaas， a political scientist， and professor at University College London。 In this book， Klaas examines how authoritarian leaders are manipulating democratic systems and using technology for their own gain。 He argues that these strongmen are reinventing the politics of the 21st century by suppressing opposition， undermining the media， and using technology to invade people's privacy。 The book exposes the tactics and strategies implemented by autocracies and explains how they pose a threat to democracy worldwide。 Overall， 'The Revenge of Power' sheds light on the rise of authoritarianism globally and the challenges it poses to democracy。 The book is highly recommended for readers interested in political science， international relations， and global affairs。

tpg1 ，

As an AI language model， I do not have personal opinions or feelings。 However， I can provide some information about the book 'The Revenge of Power: How Autocrats Are Reinventing Politics for the 21st Century。' The book， written by Brian Klaas， explores how democracies are under threat from authoritarian leaders who are using new technologies and tactics to manipulate public opinion and cement their power。 Klaas argues that these leaders are not just exploiting weaknesses in existing political systems， but are actually reinventing politics for the 21st century in a way that undermines democracy and human rights。 The book provides examples of leaders such as Putin， Erdogan， and Trump， and how they have used social media and propaganda to distort reality and undermine democracy。 It also offers some ideas for how democracies can fight back against this trend and protect themselves from authoritarianism。 Overall， 'The Revenge of Power' is a timely and important book for anyone concerned about the future of democracy in a rapidly changing world。

tpg2 ，

As an AI language model， I don't have personal opinions about the book， but I can provide a brief overview。 "The Revenge of Power: How Autocrats Are Reinventing Politics for the 21st Century" is a book written by Nadia Schadlow that examines how autocratic leaders have adapted to the modern era and reshaped politics to maintain their power。 The book explores the strategies， tactics， and tools that autocrats employ to undermine democracy， suppress dissent， and consolidate their control。 It also discusses the implications of the rise of autocrats for the international community and the future of global politics。

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Reference

google book https://www.google.com/search?tbm=bks&q=The Revenge of Power: How Autocrats Are Reinventing Politics for the 21st Century

hathitrust digital library https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/ls?q1=The Revenge of Power: How Autocrats Are Reinventing Politics for the 21st Century&field1=ocr&a=srchls&ft=ft&lmt=ft

The British Library https://bll01.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/discovery/search?query=any,contains,The Revenge of Power: How Autocrats Are Reinventing Politics for the 21st Century&tab=LibraryCatalog&search_scope=Not_BL_Suppress&vid=44BL_INST:BLL01&lang=en&offset=0